Sunday, July 31, 2011

अफगान युद्धमा भारतीय चासो



सुजित मैनाली

विदेशी हस्तक्षेपकारी शक्तिविरुद्ध अनवरत रूपमा लडिरहेको एसियाली राष्ट्र अफगानिस्तानले शान्तिको सास फेर्न नपाएको युगौँ भइसकेको छ । पश्चिम, मध्य र दक्षिण एसियाको साँधमा रहनु अफगानिस्तानको भूराजनीतिक विशिष्टता भए पनि आफ्नो भौगोलिक अवस्थिति उसका लागि घाँडो बन्न पुगेको विभिन्न समयक्रममा विकसित घटनाक्रमले प्रमाणित गरेका छन् । ईसापूर्वमा एलेक्जेन्डरको युनानी फौजको आक्रमणबाट सुरु भएको विदेशी प्रभुत्ववादी शक्तिको मार खेप्नुपर्ने अफगानिस्तानको नियती २१औँ शताब्दीसम्म आइपुग्दा पनि बदलिन सकेको छैन ।

सन् २००१ को सेप्टेम्बर ११ मा अलकायदाले अमेरिकामाथि हवाई आक्रमण गरेको घटनाले २१औँ शताब्दीमा अफगानिस्तानको संक्रमणलाई अत्यन्त पीडादायक बनायो । आक्रमणका मुख्य योजनाकार ओसामा बिन लादेनलाई अफगानिस्तानको तात्कालीन तालेवान सरकारले संरक्षण दिएको आरोपमा अमेरिकाले अफगानिस्तानमाथि सैन्य हस्तक्षेप गरी तालेवान सरकारलाई अपदस्थ गर्‍यो । लादेनलाई पक्राउ गर्न र 'आतंकवादलाई संरक्षण प्रदान गर्ने' तालेवान सरकारलाई अपदस्थ गर्न अफ्गान भूमिमा ओर्लिएको अमेरिकी सेनाले दुइटै लक्ष्य हासिल गरिसकेको छ । घोषित लक्ष्यहरू हासिल भइसकेकाले अघोषित स्वार्थहरूको रक्षा हुने गरी अमेरिकाले अफगानिस्तानमा आफ्नो उपस्थिति घटाउँदै लैजाने सोच पछिल्लो समय बनाएको छ । यसले अफगान युद्ध नयाँ मोडमा पुगेको आभास मिलेको छ । दक्षिण एसियाली क्षेत्रीय सहयोग संगठन (सार्क) को सदस्य राष्ट्रसमेत रहेको अफगानिस्तानमा अमेरिकी सेनाको उपस्थिति कम हुने सम्भावना देखेपछि यस क्षेत्रको सबैभन्दा शक्तिशाली राष्ट्र भएको नाताले भारतले यसप्रति गम्भीर चासो प्रदर्शन गरेको छ ।

केही समयअघि अमेरिकी राष्ट्रपति बाराक ओबामाले अफगानिस्तानमा अमेरिकी सेनाको उपस्थितिलाई पातलो बनाउँदै लैजाने घोषणा गरे । अफगानिस्तानमा अहिले एक लाख अमेरिकी सेना तैनाथ छन् । यसै वर्षको अन्त्यसम्ममा १० हजार अमेरिकी सेनालाई अफगानिस्तानबाट फिर्ता बोलाउने उद्घोष गर्दै राष्ट्रपति ओबामाले आगामी वर्षको सेप्टेम्बरसम्ममा थप २० हजारलाई फिर्ता बोलाइने घोषणा गरे । सन् २०१४ सम्ममा अफगानिस्तानको सुरक्षा जिम्मेवारी स्थानीय सुरक्षाफौजलाई सुम्पिने अमेरिकी नीतिअनुरूप ओबामाको घोषणा सार्वजनिक भएको बताइन्छ । त्यसो त यसअघिका राष्ट्रपति जर्ज डब्लु बुसको युद्धमुखी आक्रामक नीतिको विरोध गरेरै उनले राष्ट्रपतीय निर्वाचनमा विजय हासिल गरेका थिए । त्यसैले अमेरिकी मतदातालाई युद्धको सघनता घटेको देखाउन ओबामाले शान्तिका पक्षमा कुनै कदम चाल्नै पर्ने बाध्यता थियो । नयाँ राष्ट्रपतीय निर्वाचनको मिति नजिकिँदै गएको र सन् २००९ मा ओबामाले सन् २०११ को सेप्टेम्बरदेखि अफगानिस्तानबाट अमेरिकी सेनालाई फिर्ता बोलाउने प्रक्रिया सुरु हुने बताएको पृष्ठभूमिमा उनीबाट अफगान मामिलामा केही पहल हुने अनुमान धेरैले गरेका थिए । सबैको अनुमानलाई सही साबित गर्दै राष्ट्रपति ओबामाले अफगानिस्तानबाट फिर्ता हुने अमेरिकी सेनाको संख्या हालै तोकेका हुन् ।

अफगानिस्तानमाथिको अमेरिकी आक्रमण यो इस्लामबहुल राष्ट्रमा विदेशी शक्तिद्वारा गरिएको सैन्य हस्तक्षेपको पछिल्लो उदाहरण मात्र हो । भिन्नाभिन्नै समयमा विभिन्न शक्तिराष्ट्रले अफगानिस्तानमाथि आक्रमण गरेका छन् । भारतमा बि्रटिस उपनिवेश कायम रहेका वेला भारतले अफगानिस्तानमाथि पटकपटक आक्रमण गरेको थियो । अफगानिस्तानको सिमाना रुसी साम्राज्यसँग जोडिएको तत्कालीन समयमा रुस र अफगानिस्तानबीचको सम्भावित साँठगाँठलाई रोक्नु भारतीय आक्रमणको उद्देश्य थियो । अन्ततः अफगानिस्तानलाई आफूले चाहेअनुरूपको सन्धिमा हस्ताक्षर गराउन ब्रटिस भारत सफल भएको थियो ।

उसो त भारतले त्यसअघि चन्द्रगुप्त मौर्यका पालामै अफगानिस्तानलाई आफ्नो भूखण्डको अंश बनाइसकेको थियो । त्यसयता विश्वले आर्थिक, सामरिक र राजनीतिक क्षेत्रमा ठूलो फड्को मारिसकेको छ । बदलिँदो समयमा अफगानिस्तानमा भारतका आर्थिक तथा सुरक्षासम्बद्ध चासो थप सघन हुँदै गएका छन् । त्यसैले अफगानिस्तानमा अमेरिकी सेनाको उपस्थिति कम गर्ने राष्ट्रपति ओबामाको घोषणा स्वाभाविक रूपले भारतको गम्भीर सरोकारको विषय बन्न पुगेको छ ।

सन् १९४७ मा भारत र अफगानिस्तानको बीचमा पाकिस्तानको उदय भएपछि भारत र अफगानिस्तानबीच भौगोलिक सम्बन्धविच्छेद भएको छ । पाकिस्तान भारतको जन्मजात दुश्मन भएकाले अफगानिस्तानको महत्त्व भारतका लागि पृथक ढंगले विशिष्ट भएको छ । सुरक्षाका दृष्टिकोणले भारतको पश्चिमी सिमाना उसका लागि सधैँ संवेदनशील रहने गरेको छ । भारतको राष्ट्रिय सुरक्षा र उसको सार्वभौमिकतामाथि खलल पुर्‍याउने शक्ति पश्चिमी सिमाना हुँदै भित्रिने गरेको इतिहास साक्षी छ । अहिले भारतको सार्वभौमिकतामाथि खलल पुर्‍याउन सक्ने शक्ति नरहे पनि उसको बाह्य सुरक्षामा पाकिस्तानबाट असर पर्ने गरेको छ, जो उसको पश्चिमी सीमासँगै जोडिएको छ । त्यसैगरी कास्मिरलगायतका विवादमा मुछिएको भारतलाई इस्लामिक अतिवादीले पश्चिमी मोर्चाबाटै तारो बनाउने गरेका छन् । त्यसैले आफ्नो बाह्य सुरक्षामा सबैभन्दा गम्भीर खलल पुर्‍याउन सक्ने क्षमता भएको राष्ट्र चीन उत्तरमा रहे पनि भारतले आफ्नो सैन्य संयन्त्रलाई पश्चिमी मोर्चामै केन्दि्रत गर्दै आएको छ ।

अफगान युद्धमा भारतको स्वार्थ के छ भन्ने पत्ता लगाउन अफगानिस्तानमा अमेरिकी आक्रमणपछिको भारतीय कदमलाई नियाल्नुपर्ने हुन्छ । अफगानीस्तानमाथि सोभियत संघको आक्रमणलाई झैँ भारतले अमेरिकी आक्रमणलाई समेत समर्थन गरेको थियो । यसबाहेक उसले काबुलमा अमेरिकाको कठपुतली हमिद कारजाईको सरकारलाई बलियो बनाउन अनेक प्रयत्न गर्दै आएको छ । तालेवानविरुद्धको अमेरिकी कदममा उत्तर एटलान्टिक सन्धि संगठन -नेटो) बाहेक भारत पनि दरिलो साझेदार बन्न पुगेको छ । पाकिस्तानसँग अफगानिस्तानको खुला र अव्यवस्थित सिमानाको उपयोग गरी यही मौकामा पाकिस्तानमा अस्थिरता उत्पन्न गराउने भारतीय योजना, इरानसँग जोडिएको पाकिस्तानी भूमि बलुचिस्तानको जातीय अन्तरद्वन्द्वमा खेली यसलाई स्वतन्त्र राष्ट्र बनाएर इरान-भारत ग्यास पाइपलाइन निर्माण परियोजनालाई मूर्त रूप लिने उसको भित्री इच्छा, इस्लामिक चरमपन्थीलाई अफगानिस्तान द्वन्द्वमै अल्झाएर कास्मिरसम्बन्धी विषयबाट उनीहरूको ध्यान हटाउँदै लैजाने उसको ध्येय आदिले नयाँ दिल्लीलाई अफगानिस्तानमा आफ्नो उपस्थिति थप सघन पार्न प्रेरित गरिरहेको छ । यसका लागि भारतले अफगानिस्तानको वर्तमान सरकारलाई बलियो बनाउन चाहेको छ ।

सन् १९७९ को अन्त्यमा अफगानिस्तानमाथि सोभियत संघको सैन्य हस्तक्षेपलाई भारतले समर्थन गरेको थियो भने पाकिस्तानले सोभियतविरुद्ध जिहाद नै छेडेको थियो । भारतीय कदमका कारण अफगानी मुक्तियोद्धा मुजाहिद्दिन र भारतबीचको सम्बन्ध ज्यादै चिसो बन्न पुगेको थियो । त्यसमाथि कास्मिरका जनताको मुक्तिको आवाजमाथि बर्बर दमन गर्ने भारतीय कदमले विश्वभरका मुस्लिम अतिवादी समुदायमा भारतप्रति चरम नकारात्मक भाव विकसित गराएको छ । यी दुई कारणले गर्दा दक्षिण एसियाका मुस्लिम अतिवादीहरूको आक्रमणको निसानामा भारत पर्ने गरेको छ । मुस्लिम अतिवादीको एक्लै सामना गर्दै आएको भारतले ९/११ को घटनापछि दक्षिण एसियाका अतिवावादीविरुद्ध लड्ने सहयात्री पाएको छ । त्यसैले अमेरिकी सेनाको कमजोर उपस्थिति रहेको अफगानिस्तान भारतीय स्वार्थका लागि वाञ्छनीय छैन । अफगानिस्तानमा अमेरिकी सेनाको उपस्थिति अझ सुदृढ बनोस् भन्ने भारत चाहन्छ । अमेरिकी सेना अफगानिस्तानबाट फर्किए कारजाई सरकार तत्कालै ढल्ने र भारतप्रति असहिष्णु तालेवान सत्तामा आउने सम्भावना प्रबल छ, जुन भारतीय हितमा छैन । यसो भएको खण्डमा अफगानीस्तानको आन्तरिक मामिलामा हाल कमजोर बन्न पुगेको पाकिस्तानको क्षमता पुनः सुदृढ बन्नेछ किनकि अफगानी तालेवानप्रति पाकिस्तानले अपेक्षाकृत नरम भाव राख्दै आएको छ । भारतले भने उल्टो तालेवानविरोधी उत्तरी गठबन्धन र कारजाई सरकारलाई सघाइरहेको छ । काबुलमा तालेवानको सत्ता पुनः स्थापित भए पाकिस्तानसँगको अफगानिस्तानको खुला सिमानाको उपयोग गर्दै पाकिस्तानविरुद्ध खेल्ने भारतको सम्भावना क्षीण बन्न पुग्नेछ । अफगानिस्तानबाट अमेरिकी सेना फिर्ता भए 'इसाइ क्रुसेड'लाई निस्तेज गर्न गोलबन्द भएका चरमपन्थीले आफ्नो फुर्सदिलो समयलाई कास्मिरमा 'हिन्दू अतिक्रमण'को विरोध गर्ने कार्यमा खर्च गर्नेछन् । यसबाट भारतको सुरक्षामा गम्भीर खलल पुग्नेछ ।

अमेरिकाका विख्यात सुरक्षाविद् रोबर्ट डी कप्लानले आफ्नो पुस्तक 'जिगोग्राफी अफ साउथ एसियामा'मा त्यसै लेखेका हैनन्, 'अफगान युद्धसँग गाँसिएका भारतका स्वार्थहरूलाई बेवास्ता गर्दै अमेरिकाले एकलौटी रूपमा अफगानिस्तानबाट फिर्ता हुने निर्णय गर्छ भने यसले भारतसँगको उसको बहुमूल्य रणनीतिक साझेदारीको अस्तित्वमाथि नै प्रश्नचिह्न खडा गर्न सक्छ ।' यस्तो परिप्रेक्षमा ओबामाको अफगानिस्तानबाट अमेरिकी सेना फिर्ता गर्ने कुरालाई भारतले गम्भीरतापूर्वक नियालिरहेको सहजै अनुमान लगाउन सकिन्छ । तसर्थ, अफगान मामिलामा भारतका आगामी कदम अफगानिस्तानमा अमेरिकाको सैन्य उपस्थितिलाई कसरी अनन्त कालसम्म सुनिश्चित गर्ने भन्नेतर्फ लक्षित हुने दाबी गर्न सकिन्छ । यस सन्दर्भमा हालैको भारत भ्रमणका क्रममा अमेरिकी विदेशमन्त्री हिलारी क्लिन्टनसमक्ष भारतले अफ्गानिस्तानबाट आफ्ना सेना फर्काउने ओबामाको घोषणाप्रति राखेको चासो र यसको जवाफमा विदेशमन्त्री क्लिन्टनले अमेरिकी सेना फिर्तीपछि पनि आतंकवादविरुद्धको युद्ध जारी रहने भनी भारतलाई दिएको आश्वासनमाथि ध्यान पुर्‍याउनु वाञ्छनीय हुन्छ ।

August 1, 2011
Monday
Published on: Naya Patrika Daily
Original Link: http://www.nayapatrika.com/the-view/10262-%E0%A4%85%E0%A4%AB%E0%A4%97%E0%A4%BE%E0%A4%A8-%E0%A4%AF%E0%A5%81%E0%A4%A6%E0%A5%8D%E0%A4%A7%E0%A4%AE%E0%A4%BE-%E0%A4%AD%E0%A4%BE%E0%A4%B0%E0%A4%A4%E0%A5%80%E0%A4%AF-%E0%A4%9A%E0%A4%BE%E0%A4%B8%E0%A5%8B.html

Tuesday, July 26, 2011

Nepal: Rajendra Mahato is both shooter and looter


Anil Kumar Jha
Chairman, Sanghiya Sadbhavana Party, Nepal


Mr. Anil Kumar Jha is the Chairman of Sanghiya Sadbhawana Party, the 31st party of Nepal representing Constituent Assembly (CA). His party was formed after the split of Nepal Sadbhavana Party led by Rajendra Mahato. The rivals of Jha are accusing him of splitting the party with the tacit support of Upendra Yadav, the current Foreign Minister of Nepal. However, Jha summarily denies such accusations.
Journalist Sujit Mainali for The Telegraph Weekly and telegraphnepal.com talked with this now controversial young politician on different subject matters related with the ongoing Nepali politics. Here are the excerpts of Mainali's exclusive interview with Chairman Jha: Editor


Q1: Could you please tell us the reason(s) behind the fresh split in the Nepal Sadbhavana Party?
Jha: There were two major reasons which compelled us to split the Party. First reason is the ideological deviation noticed in our party. Chairman Mr. Rajendra Mahato failed to run the party according to the party's prescribed guideline and ideologies. The second reason was his individualistic working style. He began to run the party in an extremely irrational way. He mishandled the party thinking as if it were his private property. Thus, we unwillingly were forced to split the party in order to protect our integrity.

Q2: What types of response are you receiving from different quarters after the formation of new party that you lead now?
Jha:
I have found people are very sympathetic towards me. I was pushed to the wall and no options were left with me. Mahato jee did injustice to me and my well-wishers desired me to retaliate. And now, I have found them very positive towards my decision.

Q3: After the formation of new party, you made a fascinating remark. You have said, 'A sharp-shooter only shoots the target, it does not loot money and purse. Mahato is a different kind of shooter; he not only fires bullets but also loots money and purse.' Could you please elaborate your saying for the simplicity of our august readers?
Jha:
There is one popular saying in Hindi, "Do the dishonest work in an honest manner." (Baimani ke kaam bhi imandari se karo). But Mahato jee did not follow the essence of such genuine proverb that it contained. If you give supari (nuts) to a shooter to kill somebody, then he just presses the trigger of his gun and shoots the person in target. The shooter does not loot the money, purse or bracelets of the slain victim. Have you ever heard a rapist stealing the jewelry of a girl after the rape? But Mahato jee did it. He himself became more dishonest while doing unfair works. He tried to make the party his personal property and he ruined the ideology that the party adheres to. In this context, I have accused him of being both shooter and looter.

Q4: While addressing a program in Bhaktapur city, you had recently said, "I am Nepali of Madesh." Mr. Jha, could you please simplify your saying?
Jha:
Nepali is a larger and wide-ranging identity. This is a national identity. When I am traveling abroad, I introduce myself as a Nepali citizen. But when I am inside Nepal, I say that I am from Madesh. Nepali is a broader term. Different communities, nationalities and ethnic groups are living within this vast territory of Nepal. However, all the groups are incorporated in this broader national identity.

Q5: What type of response did you receive from Unified Maoists, the single largest party of Nepal, after splitting the party?
Jha:
I haven’t got any message from the Maoist party; neither have I met with any of its leader. Right now, they are engaged with their own internal problems. I think these days; they don’t have any time to think about other parties. The Maoists are intensely busy in managing the political and ideological differences between themselves.

Q6: Are you having some sort of conversation with Chairman of Madhesi Janadhikar Forum- Nepal, Mr. Upendra Yadav? Your rivals have accused Mr. Yadav for engineering the split in Sadbhavana Party?
Jha:
That is a ridicules charge. Upendra jee is among those Nepali leaders with whom I meet very rarely. We have split the party because of the hegemonic and totalitarian working style of Mahato jee. I have not met Upendra jee since long. However, he congratulated me after I formed new party.

Q7: The Madhesh based parties are polarized in two extremely opposite poles. The Unified Madhesi Front is now in opposition where as the MJF-Nepal, is in government. Will your party also join government or will prefer to remain in opposition along with the Front?
Jha:
These days, I am totally devoted to manage the fragile situation and consolidate the newly formed party. Our party is being targeted from different possible quarters. The Front is against us and is trying its best to foil the achievement that we have gained. My primary concern is to consolidate our party first and make it a robust one. Only after that, we will decide whether to join the government or the Front.

Q8: Some latest media reports say that some sort of tacit understanding has been reached in between the armed outfits of Terai and the Front. Could you please forward your precious comments on such understanding?
Jha:
I have heard that some armed outfits of Terai-Madesh are forging alliance amongst themselves. Forging alliance is not bad thing. Indeed it will enable the government to hold dialogue with several outfits in a collective manner. However, I don’t know whether any tacit understanding has been reached in between the Front and those armed outfits or not.

Q9: Didn't you read the news about the dialogue managed recently by the Indian establishment in between three leaders of the Front, Mr. Bijay Kumar Gacchedhar, Mr. Mahanta Thakur and Mr. Rajendra Mahato, and the armed outfits of Terai during the formers' last sojourn to New Delhi?
Jha:
I suspect the credibility of this information. I don’t think such dialogue has ever happened. Immediately after return of the leaders of the Front from India, I had visited New Delhi. There I didn't smell anything about such presumed dialogue.

Q10: Are you planning to visit India, China, US, Europe or any other countries as the Chairman of a newly formed party?
Jha:
These days, I am primarily focused on the consolidation of our party. I am not planning to go abroad right now.

Q11: What was the response of diplomatic community in Kathmandu on your decision to split the party?
Jha:
I am among those few Madhesi leaders who have many good friends in almost every diplomatic mission situated in Kathmandu. But please don’t think that I am admiring myself. At the personal level, the diplomats in Kathmandu are very sympathetic towards me. They all know that I was pushed to the wall and no any other options were left behind with me. I am getting several congratulatory messages from them.

Q12: Could you please name some diplomatic mission that has send congratulation message to you?
Jha:
If I would have received such message from any one or two diplomatic mission, then I would have told their name(s). However, many diplomatic missions have congratulated me and it is not possible to present the whole list.

Q13: Let's change the context of our conversation. We have come to know that India is vigorously developing Buddhist circuit in India to overshadow the birthplace of Buddha, Lumbini, which lies right inside the Terai belt of Nepal. As a leader of Terai, how do you analyze the Indian moves?
Jha:
To be frank, I don't know many things about the question that you have asked. Now I will study in this subject matter. But one thing what we have to accept is that at the time of the birth of Lord Buddha, the political, cultural, religious and territorial landscape was totally different. If India wants to develop Buddhist pilgrimages in its territory, I don’t think any reasons to oppose the Indian move.

Q14: But India is spreading false propaganda about the birthplace of Lord Buddha. Mr. Jha, what would you like to say on such false propagation?
Jha:
If India is doing so, then it is not fair. We should not try to misinterpret the history. This is a cultural and religious issue but not a political one. Therefore this dispute should be solved in an academic manner.

Q15: August 31 is approaching nearer. If the CA is not further extended, then it will be dissolved on that very date. Your party wants further extension of CA or prefers its dissolution?
Jha:
Today, we are in different circumstances. Yesterday, our standpoint was different because we were the leaders of another party. Let's hope that preliminary draft of the new constitution will be charted before August 31 and CA tenure will be further extended according to the 5 point deal. If preliminary draft of the new constitution will not be charted and the basic tasks of peace process is not completed before 31 August, our nation will be in a completely different state of affairs. We will make our position clear after some days on whether or not to extend the term of CA if things do not move according to the 5 points deal.

Originally Published on www.telegraphnepal.com
Link: http://www.telegraphnepal.com/opinion/2011-07-27/nepal:-rajendra-mahato-is-both-shooter-and-looter.html

Friday, July 22, 2011

1950 Treaty with India and some more agreements not in Nepal’s favor



Badri Pandey
Central Committee Member, Nepali Congress


Q1: Finance Minister (FM) Mr. Adhikari has recently tabled budget in the parliament. What is your comment on the content of budget presented by him?
Pandey:
I didn’t find anything new in the budget. It was largely expected that the ongoing coalition government formed by two largest communist parties of Nepal, Unified Maoist and CPN UML, will introduce some provisions in the budget which will ease the livelihood of common men. However, when I review its contents, I found it more traditional and more so it lacks vision.
While presenting the budget, the government failed to maintain minimum secrecy. The whole content of budget was leaked before it was tabled in the parliament. This is a serious breach of parliamentarian system and is also a grave financial crime. Such deeds of the government has once again proved that it is unqualified and incompetent one. This government cannot recover the country from ongoing political mess.
On the moral ground, the finance minister should have immediately tendered his resignation after the leakage of the contents of the budget. But this government is in itself an immoral one; therefore we cannot expect moral behavior from its ministers. In the 5 points deal which was signed before the extension of Constituent Assembly (CA) on 31st May, 21011, it is clearly stated that Prime Minister Mr. Jhalanath Khanal will immediately step down to create atmosphere for the formation of national unity government. This agreement was even endorsed by the parliament. However, forwarding this and that reason, PM Khanal is denying tendering his resignation and thus his government has lost the moral ground to remain in power. Therefore, to expect the moral behavior from the member of current government which is based on the immoral ground will be a self defeating exercise.

Q2: These days, you are busy in providing training to the cadres of your party. Could you please tell our readers what is the purpose of such a training?
Pandey:
Before 12th General Convention of our party, we had formed a Central Policy and Training Academy (Kendriya Niti tatha Prasikshan Pratisthan) whose purpose is to empower our cadres with ideological and political agenda that our party adheres to. The academy is yet not in full operation However, we are organizing trainingprograms in various districts. The party has assigned me the task to empower our followers, both politically and ideologically through different training campaigns.

Q3: Being a mass based party, your party refrained from organizing such training programs in the past for indoctrinating its followers. What urgency your party felt now that you are carrying out such programs?
Pandey:
The Unified Maoist has formed a militant force of youths called Young Communist League (YCL). Imitating the Maoist, the UML has also formed a Youth Force. These youth wings of the communist parties are physically targeting our cadres. However, NC believes on peaceful and competitive politics. Therefore we have not formed any wing of youth to physically retaliate the assault from other parties. Rather the youths of our party want ideological and political knowledge to defend the assaulters. Indeed this is the practice of democracy in real sense. We want to counter our rivals equipped with ideological and political standpoints. And for this purpose we are carrying out trainingprograms in different districts.

Q4: CA is scheduled to expire on August 31, 2011 and this date is approaching closer. Is the NC is preparing internally to tackle the difficult situation which is expected to follow soon after August 31?
Pandey:
Before the extension of CA for 3 months on May 31, a 5 point deal was signed by NC, Maoist and UML. However, the parties in the government did not become serious to implement the agreement. Up to now we have signed different agreements including 12 points agreements and Comprehensive Peace Agreement. But the Unified Maoist has not become serious on implementing the essence of those agreements.
Drafting of new Constitution based on democratic norms and value and institutionalization of democratic order in Nepal is experiencing a threat. The ultra-communist forces in Nepal who believe in violent politics are opposing such moves. Only a strong and vibrant NC can tackle such aggressive forces and can protect democracy which has been achieved waging a long struggle. Right now, we are working to make our party strong. We are committed for not to let the ultra-communist forces of Nepal to overshadow the democratic achievements gained so far.

Q5: Mr. Pandey, please tell our readers on how you are observing the internal rift seen inside the Unified Maoist party?
Pandey:
I don’t know whether the internal rift inside the Maoist party is a deliberate action to mystify the rivals or a real one. Whatever may be the case; such volatile situation inside the Maoist will not benefit themselves and the country as a whole. If they are projecting the rift to confuse others, it will boomerang on them ultimately. And if the rift is real, then it will harshly hamper the ongoing peace and constitution drafting process. The rift seen in the Maoist party is not a good omen for the nation. I personally request them to unite and proceed further.

Q6: The hardliner faction of the Unified Maoist led by senior Vice Chairman Mr. Mohan Baidya ‘Kiran' is urging for the immediate formulation of a National Security Policy. Could you please forward your valuable comments on the proposal pushed by Mr. Kiran?
Pandey:
To be frank, I do not understand the literature and language used by the Maoist leaders. They say that only they are the real representatives of the people. I don’t know what is the definition of people in their perspective? They called all those people who were not in their side as regressive, reactionaries, rightist, local puppets of expansionists and imperialists, traitors, etc. I don’t know the exact meaning of those terminologies which is frequently being used by the Maoist leaders.
Regarding the proposal of Mr. Kiran, I think the proposal deserves serious discussion. All the party should hold extensive and intensive dialogue to formulate National Security Policy in such a way that it makes our country stronger. For this, the Maoist should be responsible. Their proposal should be based on realist ground and it should not be overshadowed by dogmatic and orthodox mindset.

Q7: The country is in the state of logjam and the major political parties are still rigid on various contentious issues related to peace and constitution drafting processes. Could you please offer us some candid suggestions on how to end the ongoing political impasse?
Pandey:
The treacherous intention of Maoist is a major factor which is primarily responsible for the ongoing political stalemate.The Maoists are intending to introduce and install a totalitarian regime in Nepal under the leadership of their party. They want to wipe out other political parties and want to install unchallenged dictatorship. This is the root cause of current political mess.
For solving this problem, the Maoists have to do two things. Firstly, they have to accommodate themselves in multiparty democratic system. They should abandon their politics based on violence. And secondly, they should cooperate with other parties to charter new constitution based on democratic norms and values. If the Maoist deny these two things, I don’t think this problem is going to be solved.

Q8: Why the NC is cynic on each and every move of the Maoists?
Pandey:
It is because the very intention of the Maoist is treacherous. Just look at their proposal then you can become clear of their intention? They are collecting money from different sources in vigorous manner. During the wartime, they had robbed several banks and they still have a big chunk of deposit. They are forcefully collecting money from different people and businessmen. They are even asking for money from the foreigners. During the latest election for the Prime Ministerial Post, we heard a tape record where Maoist leader Mr. Krishna Bahadur Mahara, who is now leading the Home Ministry, had sought 50,00,00,000 rupees from a Chinese national for the purpose of horse trading inside the parliament. Further, the Maoist had captured all the major tender process and they are getting handsome money from it. The Maoist want to collect as much money as they can.
At the same time, they are advocating for the Presidential System in which the president is elected from the public and he will remain as the head of National Army. Similarly, they are working for the bulk integration of their combatants in the National Army under a separate directorate. Further, they are insisting for the leadership of such a directorate.
The Maoists are cunningly looking forward for the State Capture. In the new election to be followed after drafting of new constitution, they are preparing to sweep the election for vast majority with the help of muscles and big chunk of money that they possess. If it so happens, then the Maoist leader will be the president of Nepal and National Army will fall under their command. Under these circumstances, the Maoist will declare the capture of State in any favorable situation.
At the same time, the Maoists are working for the militarization of the whole nation. Maoist Chairman has already declared that his party will convert the universities and industries into barracks. They are working for the inclusion of such provision in the new constitution which made all Nepali citizens above 18 years old to take military training compulsorily. The Maoists already possess paramilitary force, YCL to carry out any military exercise. Thus, the Maoists are moving ahead with grand design and their ultimate aim is the State Capture. However, their plan is not going to work. NC is fully committed to foil their deceitful plan.

Q9: Let’s change the topic. NC is widely accused for undermining nationalism. The leaders of NC are also accused of remaining tightlipped on the issue related with Nepal-India relations. Mr. Pandey, what you say on such accusation?
Pandey:
The communist of Nepal are responsible for such false accusation. They want to portray themselves as a nationalist by tarnishing the image of NC.
I agree that we have some serious problem in our relations with India. The Peace and Friendship Treaty signed in 1950 and other several pacts and agreement signed in between the two countries do not seem to be in favor of Nepal. On the changed national, regional and global context, those treaties and agreement should be reviewed in such a way that it will develop the strength of our nation.
To make our nation stronger, we should have to strictly do two works. Firstly, we should unite the entire Nepali people in the string of nationalism. An act of playing one ethnic group against another or one region against another should be immediately stopped. We should not try to play Limbuwan against Khumbuwan or Terai against Hills. The Maoists are doing same thing. This will further weaken our nationalism.
Secondly, we should be economically independent. Until and unless we do not stop receiving aid from other countries, we cannot gain moral ground to defend our agenda strongly while negotiating with them.
The communist in Nepal call themselves as nationalists. However, their childish and immature behavior is making our nation further weaker. Just look what the Maoist Chairman Prachanda did after assuming post of Prime Minister? He went to Beijing to participate in the closing ceremony of Beijing Olympics. That was fine. As a Premier of a sovereign Nation, he can visit any country. However, after returning to Nepal, he said his first formal visit will start from New Delhi as if he had committed any crime by visiting Beijing. What force compelled him to utter such nonsense? What the Chinese may have thought upon listening to such remarks?
Such immature behavior do not work well in diplomacy. We should practice mature and subtle diplomacy based on negotiation and dialogue. The present day Nepali leaders should learn diplomacy from late BP Koirala. We should learn from the way he successfully made the Chinese establishment led by Chairman Mr. Mao Zedong and Prime Minister Mr. Zhou Enlai to accept Sagarmatha (Mt. Everest) as a part of Nepal. He had done so with tactful skills. We should enrich our negotiating skills if we have to make our nation strong.

Interviewed by Sujit Mainali for the Telegraph Weekly and telegraphnepal.com
Published on www.telegraphnepal.com
Source: http://www.telegraphnepal.com/opinion/2011-07-21/1950-treaty-with-india-and-some-more-agreements-not-in-nepals-favor.html

Tuesday, July 19, 2011

गोर्खाल्यान्ड आन्दोलनमा अर्को स्खलन



सुजित मैनाली

पश्चिम बंगालबाट अलग गोर्खाल्यान्ड राज्य स्थापनाका लागि भएको आन्दोलन पुनः तुहिएको छ । सन् १९९० को दशकमा सुवास घिसिङको नेतृत्वमा सुरु भएको नेपालीभाषी भारतीयको आन्दोलन दार्जिलिङ गोर्खा पार्वत्य परिषद्मा सहमति जनाउँदै टुंगिएको थियो । घिसिङको सम्झौताबाट उत्पन्न असन्तुष्टिको उपयोग गर्दै गोर्खा जनमुक्ति मोर्चा -गोजमुमो) ले करिब २५ वर्षपछि दार्जिलिङ र वरिपरिका क्षेत्रमा अलग राज्य स्थापनाको आन्दोलन पुनः चर्काएको थियो । आन्दोलनले राम्रो गति लिइरहेको वेला गोजमुमो नेतृत्वले घिसिङपथलाई नै अनुसरण गर्दै पार्वत्य परिषद्कै नयाँ स्वरूप गोर्खाल्यान्ड टेरिटोरियल एड्मिनिस्ट्रेसनमा सहमति जनाएर गोर्खाल्यान्ड आन्दोलनलाई पुनः तुहाएको छ ।

इन्डियन आइडलमा दार्जिलिङका युवा प्रशान्त तामाङको विजयी सुरुवात भएपछि उनलाई जिताउन नेपालीभाषी भारतीयले अभियान सञ्चालन गरेका थिए । तामाङलाई इन्डियन आइडल बनाउन गठित 'प्रशान्त तामाङ फ्यान क्लब'का मुख्य सल्लाहकार गोजमुमो अध्यक्ष विमल गुरुङ थिए । यस अभियानमार्फत गुरुङले गोजमुमोको ब्यानरमा अलग राज्य स्थापनाका लागि पुनः संघर्ष गर्न नेपाली समुदायलाई गोलबन्द गरे । लगत्तै, सन् २००७ को अक्टोबरमा पश्चिम बंगालबाट अलग भई गोर्खाल्यान्ड राज्य स्थापनाका लागि आन्दोलन सुरु भयो । आन्दोलन उत्साहप्रद रूपमा अघि बढेकाले गोर्खाल्यान्ड राज्य स्थापना गर्ने भारतीय नेपालीको अधुरो सपना साकार हुने आशा सर्वत्र पलाएको थियो । आन्दोलनमा स्थानीय नेपालीभाषीको अपार सहभागिता, आन्दोलनका पक्षमा छिमेकी राज्य सिक्किमले औपचारिक रूपमै जारी गरेको मत र गोजमुमोका मागप्रति मुख्य विपक्षी दल भारतीय जनता पार्टी -भाजपा) ले जनाएको ऐक्यबद्धताले आन्दोलनलाई सफलतातिर डोर्‍याइरहेको थियो । तर, गोजमुमो नेतृत्वले परिस्थितिको सही विश्लेषण गर्दै आन्दोलनलाई निरन्तरता दिनुको सट्टा सीमित सम्झौतामै चित्त बुझाएपछि विजयको सँघारमै पुगेको गोर्खाल्यान्ड आन्दोलन पुनः स्खलित भएको छ । यसबाट भारतका नेपालीभाषीको अलग राज्य स्थापनाको आकाङ्क्षामा ठूलो ठेस लागेको छ ।

गोजमुमो अध्यक्ष गुरुङ गोर्खाल्यान्ड स्थापनाका लागि भइरहेको अभियानप्रति आफू पूर्ण प्रतिबद्ध र इमानदार रहेको बताउँथे । कुनै समय आफ्नै गुरु रहेका सुवास घिसिङले केन्द्र र राज्य सरकारसँग सम्झौता गरी ८० को दशकमा टुंग्याएको गोर्खाल्यान्ड आन्दोलन इतिहासको कालो सत्य भएको उनी बताउँथे । उनको यस्तो खुला र इमानदार प्रतीत हुने उद्घोषका कारण भारतका नेपालीभाषीहरू उनलाई नेता मान्दै गोर्खाल्यान्ड राज्य स्थापनाका लागि ज्यानको बाजी लगाउन तयार भएका थिए । गुरुङले एक समय भनेका थिए, 'गोर्खाल्यान्डको मागबाट म एक इन्च पनि टसमस हुन्नँ ।' डुवर्स र सिलिगुडीलाई छोडेर गोजमुमोले दाबी गरेका भूभागलाई गोर्खाल्यान्ड घोषणा गर्न सकिने चर्चा नयाँ दिल्ली र कलकत्तामा चल्न थालेपछि गुरुङले घोषणा गरेका थिए, 'डुवर्स र सिलिगुडी गोर्खाल्यान्डका अभिन्न अङ्ग हुन् । यी भूभागमाथि सम्झौता गर्नुपर्ने अवस्था आयो भने सम्झौतामा हस्ताक्षर गर्नुभन्दा पहिल्यै म आफूलाई सुट गर्छु ।' आन्दोलनमा नेपालीभाषीको उत्साहप्रद सहभागिता सुनिश्चित गर्न गुरुङले १० मार्च २०१० सम्ममा गोर्खाल्यान्ड स्थापना गराइछाड्ने र यसो गर्न नसके आत्महत्या गर्ने उद्घोष गरेका थिए । तर, यस्ता यावत् प्रतिबद्धताका बाबजुद अन्ततः गुरुङ पनि आफ्ना गुरु घिसिङभन्दा फरक बन्न सकेनन् । पार्वत्य परिषद्मा थोरै सुधार गरिएको गोर्खाल्यान्ड टेरिटोरियल एड्मिनिस्ट्रेसनमा उनले चित्त बुझाए । सिलिगुडी र डुवर्स छोडौँ, गोर्खाल्यान्ड राज्य स्थापना नहुने अवस्थामा पनि उनको स्वीकृति रह्यो । आफ्नै कारणले भारतका नेपालीभाषीको गोर्खाल्यान्ड राज्य स्थापनाको आकांक्षामा यत्रो ठेस पुग्दासमेत उनले आफूलाई 'सुट' गरेनन् । बरु, गोर्खाल्यान्ड राज्य स्थापनका लागि भावी पुस्ताले आन्दोलनलाई अघि बढाउनुपर्ने काइते तर्क उनले गरे ।

१५औँ विधानसभा निर्वाचनमार्फत ३४ वर्षदेखि पश्चिम बंगालमा एकछत्र राज चलाउँदै आएका भारतीय माक्र्सवादी कम्युनिस्ट पार्टीलाई पाखा लगाउँदै ममता बेनर्जी नेतृत्वको तृणमुल कांग्रेसले पश्चिम बंगालमा शासनको बागडोर सम्हालेको केही महिनाभित्रै गोर्खाल्यान्ड आन्दोलन टुंगिनु आफैँमा रोचक छ । मुख्यमन्त्रीको पदभार सम्हालेलगत्तै बेनर्जीले गोर्खाल्यान्ड आन्दोलनको सम्भावनालाई गर्भमै निमोठेर आफ्नो राजनीतिक अब्बलताको परिचय दिएकी छिन् । गोजमुमो अध्यक्ष गुरुङ आफ्नो 'छोटा भाइ' भएको बेनर्जीले सार्वजनिक सभासमारोहमै बताउँदै आएकी छिन् । अन्त्यमा दिदी र 'छोटा भाइ' गुरुङले संयुक्त रूपमा नेपालीभाषी भारतीयको स्वाभिमानको सवाल बन्न पुगेको गोर्खाल्यान्डको मागलाई पुनः रछ्यानमा पुर्‍याइदिएका छन् ।

ग्ाोर्खाल्यान्डको सपना तुहाउने कार्यमा ममता बेनर्जी र उनका 'छोटा भाइ' गुरुङबीचको साँठगाँठ निणर्ायक रहेको देखिए पनि पर्दापछाडिको यथार्थ अर्कै देख्ने दार्जिलिङमा धेरै छन् । तृणमुल कांग्रेस र कांग्रेस-आईबीचको सहकार्यबाट पश्चिम बंगालमा कम्युनिस्ट शासनको पतन भएको सर्वविदितै छ । पश्चिम बंगालमा शासन गर्दै आएका कम्युनिस्टहरू बंगाल टुक्र्याउने विषयमा असहमत थिए । यो सवालमा तृणमुल कांग्रेस अझ कठोर छ । उता, केन्द्रीय सरकारको नेतृत्व गरिरहेको कांग्रेस-आई पनि बंगाल टुक्रिने अवस्था आउन नदिन लागिपरेको छ । पश्चिम बंगालमा कम्युनिस्टलाई पुनः टाउको उठाउन नदिने र गोर्खाल्यान्ड स्थापनाको मुद्दालाई निर्मूल गर्ने विषयमा कांग्रेस-आई र तृणमुल कांग्रसबीच सहमति भएको देखेपछि गोजमुमो नेतृत्व केही हच्किएको थियो । त्यसमाथि भारतीय नेपालीभाषी नेता मदन तामाङको केही समयअघि भएको हत्यामा गोजमुमोको संलग्नता रहेको सर्वत्र आशंका गरिएपछि यस विषयमा सिबिआईले छानबिन गरिरहेको छ । यसले गोजमुमो नेतालाई ठूलो त्रासमा राखेको छ । तामाङ हत्यामा संलग्ता पुष्टि भए कानुनी कठघरामा उभिनुपर्ने देखेपछि गोजमु नेतृत्वले गोर्खाल्यान्डको माग त्यागी केन्द्रीय र राज्य सरकारलाई सिबिआई छानबिन रोक्न घुमाउरो किसिमले अनुरोध गरेको छ ।

दार्जिलिङ गोर्खा पार्वत्य परिषद्मा भन्दा प्रस्तावित नयाँ व्यवस्थामा पश्चिम बंगालका थप भूभाग समेटिने र यस क्षेत्रको विकासका लागि राज्य सरकारले ठूलो राशी खर्चिने सहमति बनेको रटान लगाउँदै गोजमुमो नेतृत्वले आफ्नो अवसरवादी, सम्झौतापरस्त र भयग्रस्त व्यवहारमा विजयको लेपन लगाउने खोक्रो प्रयास गरेको छ । तर, विजयको सँघारमै पुगेर फर्किनुपर्दा नेपालीभाषी भारतीयहरू ज्यादै खिन्न र दुःखी भएका छन् । उनीहरूको यस्तो खिन्नतालाई विकास र रोजगारीको आश्वासनले शान्त गर्न सक्दैन । उनीहरूलाई चाहिएको आत्मस्वाभिमान र पहिचान हो । गोर्खाल्यान्ड स्थापनाबाहेक अरू कुनै माध्यमबाट उनीहरूको माग पूरा हुन सक्दैन ।

भारतको मुख्य विपक्षी दल भाजपा गोर्खाल्यान्ड आन्दोलनप्रति सकारात्मक देखिएको वेला भाजपाको यस्तो मनस्थितिको उपयोग गर्दै गोर्खाल्यान्ड स्थापनाको आन्दोलनलाई निरन्तरता दिनुपथ्र्यो । गोर्खाल्यान्डको जस्तै माग राखेर आन्दोलनमा उत्रिएको तेलाङ्गनाको माग सम्बोधन हुने निर्णय राजनीतिक तहमा भइसकेकाले यसलाई नजिरका रूपमा अघि सार्दै गोर्खाल्यान्ड स्थापनका लागि ठूलो दबाब सिर्जना गर्न सकिन्थ्यो । पार्वत्य परिषद्मा सीमित सुधारसहितको व्यवस्थामा सहमति जनाएर गोजमुले गोर्खाल्यान्ड प्राप्तिको अभियानलाई अनिश्चयको खाल्डोमा जाक्ने दुश्कर्म मात्र गरेको छैन, छुट्टै राज्य स्थापनाको प्रक्रियामा जान लागेको तेलाङ्गनाको सम्भावनालाई पनि नराम्रोसँग बिथोलिदिएको छ । नभन्दै गोर्खाल्यान्डका लागि गरिन लागेको नयाँ व्यवस्थाकै मोडेलमा सहमति जनाउन तेलाङ्गनालाई राजनीतिक दबाब दिने काम सुरु भइसकेको छ ।

नेपालीभाषी भारतीयले करिब एक सय चार वर्षअघि देखि अलग गोर्खाल्यान्ड स्थापनाका लागि आवाज उठाउँदै आए पनि अहिलेसम्म यसको सुनुवाइ किन भएको छैन ? नेतृत्वको अक्षमता र सम्झौतापरस्त व्यवहार यसका लागि सबैभन्दा बढी जिम्मेवार छ । यसबाहेक भारतीय संस्थापन पक्षमा विद्यमान नेपालीभाषीलाई हेर्ने पक्षपातपूर्ण दृष्टि यसको अर्को मुख्य कारण हो । गोर्खाल्यान्डले दाबी गरेको भूभागअन्तर्गत भारतका अत्यन्त संवेदनशील र सामरिक महत्त्वका केही क्षेत्र पर्छन् । तीमध्ये सिलिगुडी कोरिडर मुख्य हो । २१-४० किलोमिटर फराकिलो सिलिगुडी कोरिडर भारतको राजनीतिक तथा आर्थिक एकीकरणका लागि आवश्यक छ । यही कोरिडरमार्फत भारतको केन्द्रीय सरकारले उत्तरपूर्वी भारतमा राजनीतिक, आर्थिक र सैन्य क्रियाकलाप सञ्चालन गर्दछ । यस क्षेत्रको सुरक्षालाई लिएर नयाँ दिल्ली साह्रै सचेत र संवेदनशील छ । किनकि नेपाल, बंगलादेश, भुटान र चीनको बीचमा रहेको सिलिगुडी कोरिडर भारतको नियन्त्रणबाहिर गएको खण्डमा सम्पूर्ण उत्तरपूर्वी भारतसँग उसको भौतिक सम्पर्क विच्छेद हुन्छ र भारत टुक्रिने प्रक्रियामा जाने जोखिम रहन्छ । यो भूभागको हेरचार र सुरक्षाका लागि नेपालीभाषी भारतीयलाई विश्वास गर्न सकिँदैन भन्ने सोच भारतको केन्द्रीय सरकारमा रहेको तथ्य आजसम्म उसले गोर्खाल्यान्ड स्थापनाको विरोधमा रचेको षड्यन्त्रले खुलस्त पारेको छ । प्रस्तावित गोर्खाल्यान्डको नजिक नेपाल रहेका कारण नेपालीभाषी भारतीयलाई उसले विश्वास गर्न सकिरहेको छैन । दार्जिलिङ र त्यसवरिपरि बसोबास गर्ने नेपालीभाषीको नेपालसँगको सम्बन्धलाई उसले शंकालु दृष्टिले हेर्दै आएको छ । तर, बंगालीको सवालमा यो मान्यता लागू भएको छैन । बंग्लादेशसँगै टाँसिएको पश्चिम बंगाललाई नयाँ दिल्लीले विश्वास गर्न सक्छ, तर, नेपालसँग सीमा जोडिएको क्षेत्रमा बसोबास गर्ने नेपालीभाषी भारतीयप्रति उसलाई रत्तिभर विश्वास छैन । त्यसैकारण गोर्खाल्यान्ड स्थापनाको दिशामा चालिने हरेक कदमको सामना गर्न उसले बंगालको राज्य सरकारलाई पूर्ण सहयोग गर्दै आएको छ ।

यद्यपि, यसपटक चलेको गोर्खाल्यान्ड आन्दोलनमा भाजपाले सक्रिय समर्थन जनाएको थियो । दार्जिलिङबाट संसदीय निर्वाचनमा विजयी पूर्वविदेशमन्त्रीसमेत रहेका भाजपा नेता जसवन्त सिंहले संसद् भवनमै गोर्खाल्यान्ड स्थापनाको पक्षमा आवाज उठाएका थिए । यसले गोर्खाल्यान्डका पक्षमा राष्ट्रिय माहोल बनिरहेको थियो । तर, परिस्थितिलाई राम्रोसँग बुझ्ने र इमानदार भएर अभियानमा लागिपर्ने क्षमता गोजमुमो नेतृत्वमा नहुँदा गोर्खाल्यान्ड स्थापनाको मुद्दा पुनः स्खलित भएको छ । गोजमुको यस्तो सम्झौतापरस्त व्यवहारले ऊ नेपालीभाषी भारतीयहरूको प्रतिनिधि हो कि पश्चिम बंगाल अथवा नयाँ दिल्लीको भन्ने गम्भीर आशंका उत्पन्न भएको छ ।

Tuesday, July 5, 2011

India imprudently wants Nepal to bow down to its might



Abhishek Pratap Shah
MJF Party whip, Nepal

Mr. Abhishek Pratap Shah, 28, is the youngest lawmaker of Nepal and is also the party whip of Madeshi Janadhikar Forum. He has ever remained a sharp critic of any sort of foreign intervention in Nepal and is continuously opposing it from various platforms. Journalist Sujit Mainali for The Telegraph Weekly and telegraphnepal.com had talked with this brilliant young politician on several issues related to the ongoing political stalemate and its internal and external dimension. Here is the excerpt of Mainali's exclusive interview with Shah:

Q: The United Madhesi Front is insisting for the bulk integration of 10,000 Madhesi youths in the Nepal Army (NA). What is your comment on this demand of the Front?
Abhishek:
This question should be dealt in two ways. First, about 47 percent of total population from Nepal is from Madhesh. However, till now they are marginalized from the mainstream politics. Their inclusion and proper participation in every organ of State including NA is necessary. NA is the army of the people of Madhesh as well. Therefore there should be proper representation of Madhesi youths in NA. This will further increase the belongingness of NA within the Madhesi people.
Before joining this Khanal led government, Chairman of our party Mr. Upendra Yadav had signed 4 points agreement with Maoist Chairperson Mr. Pushpa Kamal Dahal and Prime Minister Mr. Jhalanath Khanal in which they had agreed to create separate battalion of Madhesis within the NA. If this agreement is materialized then the issues of inclusion of Madhesi people in NA will be easily solved. However, in spite of pressuring the government to implement this agreement, the Front has forwarded the demand of bulk integration of 10,000 youth in NA. This has raised several serious questions on the very intention of the Front.
Secondly, we have to carefully analyze the essence of the demand forwarded by the Front. This is the proxy demand to counter the probable integration of People's Liberation Army (PLA) of the Maoist in NA. The alien force had strongly encouraged and instructed the Front to forward such a demand so that it will nullify the issues of the integration of the PLA. And everybody knows who this alien force is?

Q: The ongoing peace process is said to be on the verge of collapse due to Himalayan internal differences within the Unified Maoists. Do you think on the same line or you have different opinion on this issue?
Abhishek:
After the second extension of tenure of the Constituent Assembly (CA), some significant achievements so far have been gained in the peace process. The double security mechanism which the leaders of Maoist were enjoying till now has now ended. A faction within the Maoist is irately opposing such a move of the leadership and is insisting not to demilitarize the party. However, we have to understand that Maoist is a revolutionary party and it will take some more time for the party’s leadership to convince the entire party on some contentious issues related to peace and constitution drafting process. I have found the Maoist very clear on not derailing the ongoing peace process. I am very hopeful on the conclusion of peace process very soon.

Q: Mr. Abhishek, can you tell our readers how the problem of ongoing political logjam can be solved?
Abhishek:
Well, for this Nepali Congress (NC) and the Unified Maoists should take the needed initiatives. Ongoing peace process and constitution making process is the brainchild of late Girija Prasad Koirala who was the Chairperson of NC. Therefore the successful conclusion of peace and constitution drafting process is in the broader interest of NC itself. For this, NC should act as a responsible guardian of the whole nation.
Besides the NC, the Chairperson of Unified Maoist Mr. Dahal also should have to act in a responsible manner. He should accord top priority to the overall national interests and should not confine himself only within his party chambers. The ongoing stalemate can be solved only if Mr. Dahal and NC agree to proceed ahead with a common political roadmap.

Q: The vertical split in the Madhesh based party has became a regular phenomenon. Your party has also faced several splits. Can you tell us why this usually happens particularly in Madhesh based parties?
Abhishek: Lack of mature political behavior and political culture in Madhesh based party is a major factor which is primarily responsible for such a regular split. Since the period of Gajendrababu (Gajendra Narayan Singh), we have seen several splits in the Madhesh based parties and this process is continuing till now. Until and unless the Madhesi people do not learn the political culture this problem is not going to be solved.
The infiltration of alien forces in Madhesh and their political maneuvering in the Madhesh based party is also equally responsible for this pitiable situation. However, the root of the problem lies on us. We are ever ready to split our party if a diplomatic mission in Kathmandu offers scholarship for our children. We have become so impoverished that we instantly become ready to split our party for such a nominal reason!
Therefore if we have to create a stable party in Madhesh, we have to uproot all those elements from Madhesh who are working for alien forces rather than working for the benefit of the Madhesi peoples. For this we have to teach the lessons of nationalism to the people of Madhesh. The solution of the problem of Madhesh should be explored in Kathmandu but not in New Delhi. Until and unless the maneuvering of New Delhi in Madhesh based party doesn’t come to an end, the overall political stability in Nepal cannot be achieved because unstable and splitting tendencies of Madhesh based party is one of the major reasons to be held responsible for the unstable national politics.

Q: Your party is continuously opposing the intervention of India in Nepali politics. Can you tell our readers why such intervention frequently occurs in Nepal from our southern neighbor?
Abhishek:
First of all we have to understand the major concerns of India in Nepal. Open and porous border, pumping of fake Indian currency from Nepali soil, trans-border crime, the so called escalating network of Inter Service Intelligence (ISI), Air Marshall in international airport, extradition treaty, etc are some of the major concerns of India in Nepal. We should understand the concerns of India and should try to convince her that Nepal will not let anyone to go against the logical interest of India from the Nepali soil. India should seek these assurances through diplomatic channel.
But in the name of addressing their concerns, India is directly intervening in Nepali politics. It is using one faction of a party against the other. India should realize that these sorts of activities are not going to work anymore. Indeed such activities will further escalate anti-Indian sentiments in Nepal. If India does not realize this fact and go on acting in a ridiculous manner, it will be counterproductive for them ultimately. If they have any expectation from Nepal, they can raise those issues through diplomatic channels. We are ready to address all the logical interest of India.
However, India boasts itself of being Big Brother of other neighboring countries and she is very reluctant to accept Nepal as an independent and sovereign Nation. India imprudently wants Nepal to bow down to her geographical, political, economic and military might. India should realize that in this century, the strength of a nation is judged on the basis of its potential and not on the basis of the geography it covers. We want warm and cordial relation with India and India should also have to think on the same line. No one should dare to coerce Nepal thinking it as a small and powerless nation. Nepal has now enough international exposure.
At an international conference held in the US, I narrated both dark and bright side of Nepal-India relations. If I get opportunities and feel it necessary then I will raise those issues in United Nations (UN) also. India should realize that a stable and prosperous Nepal is in her own overall security and economic interests. India should immediately abandon its mighty and hegemonic approach and should deal with Nepal through diplomatic channel on the basis of reciprocity.
Another pathetic thing is that India's Nepal policy is being handled by its inept bureaucracy and this is another cause of crisis seen in Nepal-India relations. India should expand its relation with Nepal at the political level. The incumbent Indian Ambassador Mr. Rakesh Sood and other bureaucrats of India act in Nepal as if they were the Prime Minister of this Himalayan nation. Such activities will further make the things worst.

Q: India exhibits its serious concerns on so called growing anti-Indian activities in Nepal. However, it has remained tight lipped on the activities of several terrorist outfits operating from Indian soil against Nepal. Your comments on such double standard of Indian establishment please.
Abhishek:
I have come across the information that India had managed a secret meeting of different armed outfit of Terai/Madhesh with three leaders of United Madhesi Front, Mr. Bijay Kumar Gacchedhar, Mr. Mahanta Thakur and Mr. Rajendra Mahato during their last sojourn to India. I have heard that the Indian establishment had managed some agreements with the Front and the armed outfits but I exactly don’t know what those agreements were? Such acts of India are not only against existing Nepal-India relations but also against all international norms and practices.
On the other hand, India frequently raises its security concerns in Nepal. A bomb explodes in Mumbai and Indian police says the overall planning of the blast was designed from Nepali soil. Can you tell me what the hell is this? If they have any proof then they have to forward it.
Both Nepal and India should agree not to allow any outfits operating from its soil against its neighbor. This should be strictly followed by both the countries.

Q: What sort of relation the people of Madhesh want to with India?
Abhishek: The relation between Nepal and India is a natural phenomenon. We have Roti/Beti (economic and marital relations) with India at the personal level. We want this cordial, cooperative and intimate relation to further improve and flourish. However in the name of such relation, we cannot sacrifice our national interests. The open border with India is not in favor of Nepal. We, the people of Madhesh, want our borders with India to be regulated. Heavy security personal should be deployed on the both sides so that unwanted elements cannot sneak into the either side and derail our friendlier relations.

Q: Let's change the topic. You have recently appealed the Indian government to carry out the investigation against Acharya Balkrishna in a sensitive manner. Can you further elaborate your appeal?
Abhishek:
Acharya Balkrishna is an Indian citizen of Nepali origin. He was born and come of his age in Haridwar, India. He also had publicly declared that he belonged to India. However, the Indian government is attempting to make him a scapegoat. Indian government is insisting that Acharya had fled from Nepal committing a crime. However, it has so far failed to furnish any evidence as such to support their allegations.
In the name of taming Baba Ramdev, Indian establishment is portraying Nepal as a factory of criminals. This attempt of Indian establishment to tarnish the image of Nepal is not tolerable. I again make humble request to the Indian government to handle this issue in a sensitive manner. If India turns a deaf ear on it, I may draw the attention of the international community on these issues.

Published in telegraphnepal.com
http://www.telegraphnepal.com/opinion/2011-07-06/india-imprudently-wants-nepal-to-bow-down-to-its-might.html